You might assume that this person has a love for animals, that they are extremely health-conscious, or that they have a loyalty card for Go Vita.
Buckingham: Open University Press. During this time, we have paired certain foods with their own messages about who eats it. In this way, food and identity have become inherently linked. You might choose to have a croissant, rice pudding, or even bacon and eggs for breakfast; the outcome potentially telling you a great deal about your cultural background.
It is important to be aware of the complex relationship between our own identity and the food choices we make, and how these affect each other.
Erica is currently studying Nutrition and Dietetics at Monash University. Her keen interest in nutrition may be traced back to her diagnosis with coeliac disease as a 10 year old. Some of her favourite things include social netball, indie rock music, and grilled cheese sandwiches. You are what you eat: the link between food choice and identity. Cake is not bad, and kale is not good. Vegetarian Feijoada - for the Olympic athlete in all of us. The soil was very hospitable to vines, grain and olive trees, and natural grasses flourished on all but the worst lands. In addition, La Mancha was the southern terminus for several of the famous sheep walks of Castile, where herds of the Mesta were put out to autumn and winter pasture Rahn Phillips, , p.
This was due to two developments: in the first place, land owned by ecclesiastical and noble landholders was increasingly put into cultivation due to increasing returns from crops. A shift had taken place in the food supply to Madrid, from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when most suppliers were from Northern Castile, to the eighteenth century, when La Mancha became the most important supplier to the Madrid market, particularly of wine Ringrose, , p.
Its location near the main road connecting Madrid and the southern seaports made transport prices of commodities from La Mancha competitive. By the mid-eighteenth century, this had resulted in a growing specialisation in commercial crops, such as olives and, particularly, vines. The second cause of the higher percentage of land cultivated in Almagro was demographic pressure. Land shortage, a traditional problem due to the property system, was further aggravated because of growing population.
As a result, illegal ploughing of the land had become increasingly common in Almagro in the second half of the eighteenth century. In , representatives of three villages asked for permission to plough the dehesa enclosed pasture land of Cabezas, 2, fanegas that the town council claimed to need because of the growing population: Peasants had to rent land at high prices or too far away, in other villages; many of them had no other occupation, for lack of employment in these villages.
Tenants lacked the means to pay the local taxes and to maintain their families. They ate bad food, and, as a consequence, disease had spread.
Although irrigated land was never higher than 7 per cent of the ploughed land, the economic importance of its production was very high. This allowed small landholders to specialise in vegetable growing, an easily marketable production which provided part of the peasant population with some earnings, and with a poor but healthy and cheap diet: the abundant variety of vegetables purchased and eaten at the Cervera House were locally grown and sold. Most of the land and livestock was owned by powerful ecclesiastical institutions and noble families.
Heavily influenced by the reformist and enlightened ideas developing in Europe,6 his lifestyle was in all probability much influenced as it was in almost every court in this period by French taste and innovations. The figure of this modern, reformist noble with the largest fortune of the region, is important in understanding the relative position of other noble families of Almagro, and in particular the marchioness of Cervera a few decades later.nectar.beeholiday.com/carlo-scarpa-la-gipsoteca-canoviana.php
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Very little is known about them, except that, in the first years of the nineteenth century, their Casa was bankrupted and they had important debts with different people of the town. Items reflecting more personal needs of the family members appear as well: white-lead albayalde was bought for the old marchioness, payments to the hairdresser who came every once in a while to cut her hair. About 95 per cent of all expenses were on food. And food was, indeed, not only a major source of expenses, but a source of pleasure, and a permanent expression of the social position of the family. Some Unexpected Features in a Traditional Aristocratic Diet By the quantity consumed, its daily presence on the table, and the money spent on it 43 per cent of the total food expenditure , meat was the most important food consumed by the Cervera family, almost the only source of animal protein, fish consumption being very low.
It was, above all, and together with white bread, the most obvious sign of status, to the point of being consumed in amounts far beyond any healthy levels. Mutton represented In any case, these varieties appear only exceptionally, while the purchase of tres libras y media de carnero three and a half pounds of mutton opens the list of purchased items every day. Poultry had a similar importance to mutton in total meat expenditure, despite the fact that it was not consumed as regularly. Hens gallinas show a much more regular presence in the diet, and every month between seven and ten were purchased.
Given the fact that they were locally produced, prices of both chicken and hens were quite stable, one chicken costing half the price of a hen. Game and wildfowl represented Finally, pork represents The Cerveras pattern of meat consumption is consistent with a traditional Spanish pattern: wildfowl was abundant in the cereal-growing land of central and Southern Spain.
Their consumption had spread since the constitution of a Catholic state at the end of the fifteenth century, being a symbol of Catholic faith since Muslims and Jews were not allowed their consumption by their religions. As for mutton, the traditional meat of wealthy tables, its presence is higher in Almagro, origin of some of the most important herds of Spain. Consumption of mutton is quite stable: it was purchased every day, and only during fasting periods March and December in reduced amounts.
Related to poultry reared and marketed by the same hands, always women were eggs, another source of proteins. Eggs were consumed regularly around the year, their price suffering minor fluctuations also due to the seasonal character of their production. Bread was the most important food item after meat, accounting for 18 per cent of the total food expenditure. Figure 3. The amount of the two varieties consumed is very stable throughout the two years. White bread, the best quality Figure 1.
Food, Health and Identity
Consumption of mutton, wildfowl and poultry. Coarse bread, on the contrary, consumed by domestic and field servants, shows a dependency on price levels, its purchase increasing when the price fell. The importance of meat as a source of protein is greater due to the very minor presence of fish. Almagro is far from any seaport, and transport of fresh fish was difficult and very expensive. Traditional techniques for preserving fish, particularly salting, had solved this problem in part, as in large parts of Spain, making it possible to fulfil the Catholic precepts of fasting and meat abstinence.
This is consistent with different testimonies about the low level of conformity to Figure 2. Sometimes they bring salmon, with which they make pies, which taste of spices and saffron. There is little river fish, but they find no difficulties in all this, because no one fasts, neither the lords nor the servants, because of the difficulties of so doing.
The family of the marchioness of Cervera ate fish on fifty of the days covered by the account book. Cod amounted to 64 per cent of total expenditure on fish. The pattern of fish consumption is simple: salted fish was the only available possibility of accomplishing the obligation of meat abstinence in most parts of Spain, and the consumption of salted sardines and cod is predictable.
Exceptionally, recourse to fresh river fish was also a solution. Price seems to have played no significant role: cod is the fish most eaten, although sardines were half the price. In and , as probably every year before, some hake was bought. On 24 December , 54 maravedises were paid for a 2-pound hake that same day, a dozen eggs cost 30, and a hen In a regular month, four ounces a quarter of a pound was the amount usually bought, which on fast days doubled.
Given that family members were probably four and assuming that there were no guests , this meant one ounce each.
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This equals the amount spent on fresh and dried fruits, twice the amount spent on vegetables, and six times the amount spent on fish. References to the practice of eating cakes and biscuits appear in the writings of foreign travellers, and it is probable that the Arab tradition of mixing almonds with honey and spices, the type of sweets still common to all the Mediterranean world, was present in the sweets that the family of the marchioness of Cervera was so fond of. Eighteenth-century reformers lamented the fact that even northern peasants, who had cow breeding as their main source of income, had failed to develop a butter industry similar to that of Northern Europe.
But the accounts of the marchioness of Cervera contains some unexpected features. The family consumed very little wine, and ate lots of vegetables, including potatoes and dried vegetables, and fresh and dried fruits. Fruits are usually not good. In the Cervera accounts, vegetables are not exceptional foods, but normal parts of the daily diet, liked by the family and probably cooked following traditional, local recipes.
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Vegetables formed the basis of local cooking. Dishes such as pisto manchego peppers, aubergines, onions, tomatoes, garlic and marrows, all diced and fried with olive oil have for centuries been characteristic of the region. The rich local supply of vegetables, a characteristic feature of the local economy, explains not only the high local consumption, but also the fame of some of them throughout Spain: aubergines from Almagro berenjenas de Almagro , prepared as semi-preserves, with vinegar and spices, could be purchased at most urban markets in Castile and Andalucia.
Vegetables were consumed according to a marked season: tomatoes and cucumber in summer, with aubergine and green peppers, plus onions and parsley, till October. In autumn, vegetables and fresh salad were eaten every day. In November and December, tomatoes became scarcer, and potatoes, endives, curly kale, and thistle still today a Christmas vegetable appeared on the table.